Author: JP Kozah

  • Where Did the Maronites Come From? 7 Key Facts About Their Journey to Cyprus

    Where Did the Maronites Come From? 7 Key Facts About Their Journey to Cyprus

    The Maronites are an ancient Christian community whose history begins in the Levant, particularly the territories of present-day Syria and Lebanon. Their story is also deeply connected to Cyprus, where Maronite communities have lived for more than a thousand years.

    But where did the Maronites originally come from, why did they settle in Cyprus, and how did their language and traditions develop on the island?

    Here are seven key aspects of their history, with a particular focus on Cyprus’s Maronite community.

    Table of Contents
    1. 1. The Maronites originated in the Levant
    2. 2. Maronites began arriving in Cyprus during the early Middle Ages
    3. 3. The Frankish period transformed the Maronite presence in Cyprus
    4. 4. The community gradually became concentrated in fewer villages
    5. 5. Cypriot Arabic (Sanna) preserves a distinctive linguistic inheritance
    6. 6. The events of 1974 profoundly disrupted Maronite village life
    7. 7. Cypriot Maronite heritage continues to evolve
    8. The Maronites of Cyprus: A living connection between the Levant and Cyprus
    9. Sources and further reading

    1. The Maronites originated in the Levant

    The Maronites take their name from Saint Maron, a Christian ascetic who lived in the region of present-day Syria during the late fourth and early fifth centuries.

    A religious community developed around his spiritual tradition, particularly in the Orontes Valley. Over the centuries, Maronite communities became established in Mount Lebanon, which emerged as an important centre of their religious and cultural life.

    Today, the Maronite Church is an Eastern Catholic Church in communion with Rome. It follows the West Syriac liturgical tradition, preserving a connection with Syriac, a form of Aramaic, in its worship.

    This heritage reflects the community’s long history within the wider Christian traditions of West Asia.

    2. Maronites began arriving in Cyprus during the early Middle Ages

    The history of Cyprus’s Maronites is closely connected to successive movements of people across the eastern Mediterranean.

    Traditional accounts identify several periods of migration between the late seventh or eighth century and the thirteenth century. These movements were shaped by political instability, religious conflict and changing patterns of settlement in the Levant.

    An early migration is traditionally dated to 686 AD. Another is associated with the destruction of the Monastery of Saint Maron on the Orontes River in the tenth century.

    The precise scale of these early migrations is difficult to establish. Historian Guita G. Hourani notes that documentary evidence for the earliest waves is limited, making it important to distinguish historical tradition from independently verifiable detail.

    What is clear is that the Maronite presence in Cyprus developed over many centuries, rather than through a single migration.

    3. The Frankish period transformed the Maronite presence in Cyprus

    A particularly significant period began in 1192, when Cyprus came under the rule of Guy de Lusignan.

    During the Frankish period, migration from the Levant contributed to the expansion of Maronite settlement on the island. Further movements followed the weakening and eventual collapse of the Crusader states, including the fall of Tripoli in 1289.

    Maronite communities became established across parts of northern Cyprus, particularly around the Pentadaktylos mountain range.

    Historical accounts describe dozens of Maronite villages during the medieval period. Some sources suggest more than sixty settlements at the community’s height.

    Population estimates from this period differ considerably, however, and should not be treated as precise census figures.

    The important historical point is that medieval Cyprus supported a substantial and geographically dispersed Maronite community.

    4. The community gradually became concentrated in fewer villages

    The Maronite presence in Cyprus changed considerably under Venetian and Ottoman rule.

    Successive political and religious upheavals, economic pressures, migration, and assimilation affected the community over several centuries. Historical records describe a gradual reduction in the number of identifiable Maronite settlements.

    By the twentieth century, four villages had become particularly associated with Cypriot Maronite life:

    • Kormakitis (Kormajit)
    • Asomatos
    • Ayia Marina (Agia Marina)
    • Karpasha (Karpaseia)

    These villages were not simply places of residence. They were centres of family life, religious observance, community relationships and cultural transmission.

    Their importance remains deeply felt among Cypriot Maronites today, including families whose descendants now live elsewhere in Cyprus or across the diaspora.

    5. Cypriot Arabic (Sanna) preserves a distinctive linguistic inheritance

    One of the most remarkable aspects of Cypriot Maronite heritage is Cypriot Arabic (Sanna), also known as Cypriot Maronite Arabic.

    Sanna is an Arabic variety traditionally spoken by the Maronites of Kormakitis. It developed from Arabic brought to Cyprus through medieval migration from the Levant.

    Over centuries, the language evolved in relative isolation from other Arabic-speaking communities while remaining in sustained contact with Cypriot Greek.

    This history has produced distinctive vocabulary, pronunciation and grammatical features. Some elements reflect older Arabic developments, while others show the influence of language contact.

    Sanna should not be confused with Syriac, the Aramaic language associated with Maronite liturgical tradition. Although both belong to the Semitic language family, they are distinct languages with different historical roles within the community.

    Traditionally transmitted through everyday speech, Sanna became closely associated with family life and cultural identity in Kormakitis.

    Its transmission was already weakening before 1974, but the subsequent displacement of villagers intensified the shift towards Greek.

    Today, Cypriot Arabic is recognised as a severely endangered language variety. In November 2008, the Republic of Cyprus formally recognised it under the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages.

    Documentation, community teaching, oral-history projects and recordings are therefore particularly important to its future.

    6. The events of 1974 profoundly disrupted Maronite village life

    The events of 1974 marked a major turning point in the community’s modern history.

    Following a coup in Cyprus backed by the Greek military junta, Turkey launched a military intervention that resulted in the island’s continuing division.

    All four historic Maronite villages came under Turkish military control or administration, and much of the community was displaced from its homes.

    The consequences extended far beyond the loss of property. Displacement separated families from village churches, neighbours, familiar landscapes and the settings in which traditions had been passed between generations.

    A smaller number of residents remained in Kormakitis and Karpasha, preserving a continuing Maronite presence in the north.

    Over time, changes in crossing arrangements and resettlement policies have allowed some former residents and their families to return, visit or re-establish a connection with their villages. Restrictions, property issues and practical difficulties nevertheless remain.

    The Republic of Cyprus also introduced revised resettlement-support arrangements in 2024.

    For many Cypriot Maronites, reconnecting with these villages is not simply a question of returning to a geographical location. It is about recovering an important part of community life.

    7. Cypriot Maronite heritage continues to evolve

    Despite displacement and social change, Cyprus’s Maronite community remains an active part of the island’s cultural and religious life.

    Under the Republic of Cyprus’s Constitution, Maronites are recognised as a religious group and elect a representative to the House of Representatives, alongside the Armenian and Latin communities.

    Maronite churches, community organisations, cultural events and family networks continue to sustain connections between generations.

    There is also growing attention to the documentation and revitalisation of Cypriot Arabic, including linguistic research, recordings and community-led educational activities.

    Yet the community’s heritage extends beyond language alone. It includes village histories, religious traditions, music, food, oral storytelling, family memories and experiences of migration.

    Preserving this inheritance requires more than recording the past. It also means making space for the experiences and voices of people who continue to live it.

    The Maronites of Cyprus: A living connection between the Levant and Cyprus

    The Maronites originated in the Christian communities of the Levant and established a lasting presence in Cyprus through successive medieval migrations.

    Their history reflects movement, adaptation, displacement and continuity across the eastern Mediterranean.

    Over generations, Cyprus became more than a place of refuge. It became home to communities with their own villages, traditions and a distinctive Arabic language.

    Today, that inheritance survives through people: the speakers of Sanna, the families who remember their villages, and those working to document and share the experiences of earlier generations.

    At Kohẓen, this living heritage is central to our work. By documenting Cypriot Arabic (Sanna) and exploring the wider history of Cyprus’s Maronites, we hope to help make these voices and stories accessible to future generations.

    Keep our voices. Strengthen our community.

    Sources and further reading

  • Kormakitis (Kormajit): The Village at the Heart of Sanna

    Kormakitis (Kormajit): The Village at the Heart of Sanna

    To understand Cypriot Arabic (Sanna), it helps to begin with a place: Kormakitis, also known as Kormajit.

    Situated in north-western Cyprus, Kormakitis is a historic Maronite village whose language, churches and traditions have survived centuries of change. For generations, it was a place where Sanna was heard not only in family homes but also in the conversations, stories and everyday encounters that gave village life its character.

    The events of 1974 transformed that world. Many residents were displaced, and the language’s transmission between generations became increasingly vulnerable.

    Yet Kormakitis remains central to Cypriot Maronite identity. Its historic buildings, community memories and recorded voices offer a remarkable connection between the village’s past and its continuing cultural significance.

    So what makes Kormakitis special, where does its name come from, and why is it so important to the future of Sanna?

    Table of Contents
    1. Where is Kormakitis?
    2. Where does the name Kormakitis come from?
    3. What was life like in Kormakitis before 1974?
    4. Why is Kormakitis important to Cypriot Arabic?
    5. The churches and religious heritage of Kormakitis
    6. What happened to Kormakitis in 1974?
    7. Is Kormakitis still inhabited today?
    8. Kormakitis’ museums and cultural preservation
    9. Why Kormakitis still matters
    10. Frequently asked questions about Kormakitis
    11. Sources and further reading

    Where is Kormakitis?

    Kormakitis is located in the Kyrenia district of north-western Cyprus, in the northern part of the island that has been outside the effective control of the Republic of Cyprus since 1974.

    It is one of the four historic Maronite villages that remained into the twentieth century, alongside Asomatos, Ayia Marina and Karpasia.

    The village is also known by several alternative names and spellings, including Kormajit, Kormacit and Koruçam. These reflect different linguistic and administrative contexts.

    For the Cypriot Maronite community, Kormakitis occupies a particularly important position.

    Although Maronites historically inhabited many settlements across Cyprus, Kormakitis became especially closely associated with their traditional Arabic language.

    The University of Cyprus’ Sanna Oral Tradition Archive identifies Kormakitis as the village at the centre of its work documenting Cypriot Arabic and the experiences of its speakers.

    Its importance, however, extends beyond language.

    Kormakitis has long been a centre of Maronite religious, social and cultural life, with institutions and traditions that connect generations of families to the village.

    Where does the name Kormakitis come from?

    One of the most familiar stories about Kormakitis concerns the origins of its name.

    According to a longstanding community tradition, the name is connected to Kour, a village in northern Lebanon associated with the ancestors of Kormakitis’ Maronite population.

    The story is preserved in a phrase often rendered as:

    Naxni jina u Kur majit.

    In English, this is commonly translated as:

    We came, but Kour did not.

    The phrase expresses a sense of separation from an ancestral homeland, and it has become part of the village’s cultural memory.

    In 2012, a stone monument was unveiled in Kormakitis’ village square to commemorate the traditional connection with Kour. The monument bears the phrase in Cypriot Maronite Arabic.

    The Republic of Cyprus’ official publication The Maronites of Cyprus records both the monument and this explanation of the name.

    Is that the historically established origin?

    Not necessarily.

    Although the Kour explanation is culturally important, it should not be presented as an uncontested linguistic fact.

    In her 2018 research paper, Language Revitalization, Land and Identity in an Enclaved Arab Community in Cyprus, linguist Marilena Karyolemou discusses the traditional explanation as a popular etymology and identifies an alternative derivation associated with an older Greek place-name.

    This distinction is important.

    The traditional story helps explain how members of the community understand their relationship with Lebanon and their ancestral origins, even if the exact linguistic development of the village’s name remains debated.

    Both the historical question and the cultural meaning deserve recognition.

    What was life like in Kormakitis before 1974?

    Much of Kormakitis’ heritage lies in the everyday experiences of the people who lived there.

    During the British period, village residents were primarily involved in agriculture and farming, while other Maronites increasingly moved to towns such as Nicosia.

    The village also developed institutions that supported local economic and community life.

    In 1928, Kormakitis established a cooperative credit society, among the early institutions of its kind in Cyprus.

    But an account of village life based only on dates, occupations and buildings would miss something essential.

    Kormakitis was also a place of shared stories, family gatherings, religious celebrations and the familiar conversations through which community knowledge was passed down.

    These experiences are particularly important to understanding Sanna.

    The stories people told one another

    The University of Cyprus’ Ten Small Stories in Sanna offers an unusually revealing glimpse into the village’s social world.

    The collection brings together short narratives associated with life in Kormakitis before 1974.

    Unlike conventional historical accounts, the stories do not focus primarily on major political events.

    Instead, they recall everyday incidents, humour, misunderstandings and experiences remembered within the community.

    Their titles include The Chicken Thieves, The Roasted Meat and the Onion and The Dragon’s Tooth.

    The researchers explain that such stories were shared in settings including coffee shops, churchyards, weddings, baptisms and family gatherings.

    Often, their purpose was not to tell listeners something entirely new.

    It was to revisit experiences already familiar to the community, reinforcing a shared understanding of people, places and events.

    That makes the collection particularly valuable.

    It preserves not only examples of spoken Cypriot Arabic, but also something of the social environment in which the language was used.

    Why is Kormakitis important to Cypriot Arabic?

    Kormakitis is historically the principal centre associated with Sanna, the distinctive Arabic variety traditionally spoken by Cyprus’ Maronite community.

    The language developed over centuries and was shaped by sustained contact with Cypriot Greek.

    For much of its history, Sanna was transmitted primarily through speech rather than formal schooling.

    The language therefore depended heavily on everyday interaction between generations.

    In Kormakitis, these opportunities were embedded in village life.

    Children could hear the language from relatives, neighbours and other members of the community, encountering vocabulary and expressions in natural settings.

    This is one reason why recordings of older Kormakitis speakers are so important.

    They preserve examples of pronunciation, storytelling and conversational language that cannot be fully reconstructed from written descriptions alone.

    Hear the voices of Kormakitis

    The University of Cyprus’ Sanna Oral Tradition Archive was established through a research programme supported by Cyprus’ Ministry of Education from 2013.

    Its recordings document the language and the experiences of people connected to Kormakitis.

    The archive includes original audiovisual material, educational resources and illustrated stories developed to help younger generations engage with Sanna.

    These materials demonstrate an important connection between language and place.

    A recording can preserve the words of an individual speaker, but understanding the circumstances in which those words were spoken helps preserve something of their meaning.

    For those who grew up away from Kormakitis, hearing these voices may also offer a connection to experiences and traditions they did not encounter directly.

    The churches and religious heritage of Kormakitis

    Faith has long been central to community life in Kormakitis.

    The village is home to several historic Maronite churches and chapels, reflecting centuries of religious continuity.

    Among the most significant are two churches dedicated to Saint George.

    Saint George’s Cathedral

    The present Saint George’s Cathedral stands in Kormakitis’ village square.

    According to the Republic of Cyprus’ official historical chronology, it was consecrated on 20 October 1933 by Maronite Archbishop Bulus Awad.

    The cathedral became one of the village’s most recognisable landmarks and an important centre of Maronite worship.

    Its significance extends beyond architecture.

    For generations, churches such as Saint George’s provided places where religious celebrations, family milestones and community gatherings brought residents together.

    The cathedral also houses an ecclesiastical museum established in 2010 with support from the Anastasios G. Leventis Foundation.

    The Old Saint George Church

    Kormakitis also has an older Saint George church, associated with the Franciscan Sisters’ convent.

    According to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the church dates to the sixteenth century.

    It served as the community’s principal church until the construction of the newer cathedral.

    Between July 2014 and September 2015, the building underwent conservation work supported by European Union funding.

    The project included structural repairs, conservation of its historic wooden doors, improvements to its courtyard and the reconstruction of its bell tower.

    This work illustrates another important dimension of cultural preservation.

    Protecting heritage is not only about recording language and memories. It also means caring for the physical places through which a community’s history can still be encountered.

    Other religious landmarks

    The village’s religious heritage also includes the chapel of Saint George of Kornos, associated with the feast of Saint George of the Seed, and a historic chapel dedicated to the Virgin Mary.

    Together, these buildings reflect the importance of religious life in Kormakitis and its longstanding place within Cyprus’ Maronite tradition.

    What happened to Kormakitis in 1974?

    The events of 1974 profoundly changed the village and its community.

    Following Turkey’s military intervention and the division of Cyprus, Kormakitis came under Turkish control.

    Many Maronite residents left their homes and settled elsewhere in Cyprus or abroad.

    Others remained.

    For those who stayed, everyday life was affected by the island’s division, changing access to services and the difficulties of maintaining community life under new circumstances.

    For displaced families, the separation from Kormakitis was more than a geographical one.

    It meant losing regular access to the village’s churches, familiar social networks and the places associated with family memory.

    The effects on Sanna were particularly significant.

    As families became dispersed, opportunities to use the language in everyday conversation became more limited.

    The loss of a concentrated speaking community contributed to the difficulties of passing the language to younger generations.

    Yet Kormakitis did not cease to be important to those who had left.

    Family visits, religious celebrations and continued efforts to maintain a connection with the village helped preserve its place in community life.

    Is Kormakitis still inhabited today?

    Yes. Kormakitis remains inhabited, and it continues to hold importance for residents and families with ancestral connections to the village.

    Its population and circumstances have changed considerably since 1974, however.

    Some Maronites remained throughout the period following the island’s division, while others have pursued opportunities to return or resettle.

    In recent years, government initiatives have included support for people wishing to establish or re-establish permanent residence in their ancestral communities.

    The Republic of Cyprus’ revised resettlement scheme includes measures intended to support eligible residents in villages outside the Republic’s effective control.

    Such initiatives are relevant to Kormakitis because community continuity depends partly on whether people can maintain a meaningful presence in the places associated with their heritage.

    However, resettlement alone cannot guarantee the revival of Sanna.

    Language use also depends on opportunities for learning, conversation and transmission between generations.

    Kormakitis’ museums and cultural preservation

    The village’s heritage is also preserved through community institutions.

    According to the Republic of Cyprus’ publication The Maronites of Cyprus, Kormakitis has two particularly significant museums.

    The Ecclesiastical Museum, established in 2010, is associated with Saint George’s Cathedral and the community’s religious heritage.

    The Kormakitis Folkloric Museum, inaugurated in February 2012, was established through cooperation involving the Maronite Welfare Association of Cyprus, the Kormakitis Trust Heritage Club, public support and UNDP-related funding.

    These institutions reflect the importance of preserving both religious traditions and the wider material culture of village life.

    Their establishment also demonstrates the role of community organisations in maintaining connections to Kormakitis.

    Heritage is not preserved solely through formal academic research.

    It also depends on local initiatives, personal contributions and the knowledge of people whose experiences form part of the history being documented.

    Why Kormakitis still matters

    Kormakitis is more than a historic settlement associated with Cyprus’ Maronite community.

    It is a place where several strands of heritage come together: language, faith, family memory, cultural traditions and the consequences of displacement.

    Its buildings tell part of that story.

    So do its museums, its community organisations and the families who continue to maintain connections to the village.

    But some of its most distinctive heritage survives through voices.

    Sanna carries expressions, memories and ways of speaking that developed through generations of life in Kormakitis.

    This is why documenting the language matters.

    An old story, a remembered expression or a recorded conversation can preserve details that might otherwise be lost as generations pass.

    At Kohẓen, our current work focuses on making selected Cypriot Arabic recordings accessible through careful sourcing, working transliterations, English translations and cultural context.

    We recognise the importance of acknowledging original sources, respecting permissions and being open about uncertainties.

    Our aim is not to replace established archives or community preservation initiatives.

    It is to contribute to making the voices and heritage associated with Kormakitis accessible beyond the village itself.

    Hear Cypriot Arabic and explore Kohẓen’s recordings.

    Frequently asked questions about Kormakitis

    Where is Kormakitis in Cyprus?

    Kormakitis is a historic Maronite village in the Kyrenia district of north-western Cyprus. It lies in the northern part of the island outside the effective control of the Republic of Cyprus.

    Is Kormakitis the same as Kormajit?

    Yes. Kormakitis and Kormajit are alternative names associated with the same village. Other recorded forms include Kormacit and Koruçam.

    What language is spoken in Kormakitis?

    Kormakitis is historically associated with Cypriot Arabic, known as Sanna. Today, language use varies between residents and generations, with Greek also widely used among Cypriot Maronites.

    Why is Kormakitis important to the Maronites?

    The village is an important centre of Cypriot Maronite heritage, with historic churches, community institutions and strong associations with the traditional language Sanna.

    What happened to Kormakitis in 1974?

    Following Turkey’s military intervention and the division of Cyprus, many Maronite residents were displaced from the village. Others remained, and efforts to maintain or re-establish community life have continued.

    Can you hear traditional Sanna from Kormakitis?

    Yes. The University of Cyprus’ Sanna Oral Tradition Archive includes recordings of speakers and stories connected to village life, alongside educational resources.

    Sources and further reading

    Keep our voices. Strengthen our community.

  • Is Cypriot Arabic Endangered? Why Sanna’s Future Matters

    Is Cypriot Arabic Endangered? Why Sanna’s Future Matters

    Cypriot Arabic, known as Sanna, is severely endangered. The traditional Arabic variety of Cyprus’ Maronite community has survived for centuries, but its future is increasingly uncertain as fewer people use it in everyday life or pass it on to younger generations.

    In February 2025, the Council of Europe published an assessment warning that Cypriot Maronite Arabic remained in danger of extinction, despite government support and ongoing preservation work.

    The findings reveal an uncomfortable reality: a language can be officially recognised, researched and taught, yet still face the possibility of disappearing from everyday conversation.

    But what does severely endangered actually mean? How did Sanna reach this point? And can its future still be changed?

    Table of Contents
    1. How endangered is Cypriot Arabic?
    2. Why is Cypriot Arabic disappearing?
    3. How many people still speak Sanna?
    4. What is being done to preserve Cypriot Arabic?
    5. Can Cypriot Arabic be saved?
    6. Why documenting Sanna matters to Kohẓen
    7. Frequently asked questions
    8. Sources and further reading

    How endangered is Cypriot Arabic?

    Cypriot Arabic is recognised as a severely endangered minority language.

    The Council of Europe’s seventh evaluation report on Cyprus, published on 27 February 2025, describes a clear generational gap in the use of Sanna.

    According to the report, the language is spoken mainly by older people. Many younger members of the community have limited proficiency, and there is a significant gap between generations who speak Sanna in everyday life.

    This is particularly concerning because language survival depends on more than the number of people who can understand or remember particular words.

    It also depends on whether children are learning to speak the language and whether speakers have regular opportunities to use it.

    Sanna has not disappeared. But the conditions that once sustained it have changed profoundly.

    What does “severely endangered” mean?

    UNESCO’s framework for assessing language vitality places particular importance on intergenerational transmission: whether a language is passed naturally from parents and grandparents to children.

    Its Language Vitality and Endangerment framework describes several degrees of language endangerment.

    At the severely endangered stage, a language is generally spoken mainly by grandparents and older generations. Their children may understand it, but it is no longer routinely passed on to younger family members.

    This does not mean every household has the same experience. Some families may maintain stronger linguistic connections than others.

    Nor does it mean a language is beyond recovery.

    The term identifies an urgent risk, not an inevitable outcome.

    Why is Cypriot Arabic disappearing?

    There is no single explanation for the decline of Sanna.

    Its current situation reflects a combination of historical disruption, changing patterns of community life and limited opportunities for younger generations to learn and use the language.

    1. The displacement of Cypriot Maronite communities

    For generations, Cypriot Arabic was closely associated with Kormakitis (Kormajit), one of Cyprus’ historic Maronite villages.

    Within a relatively close-knit community, Sanna could be heard in homes, conversations between neighbours and everyday social life.

    The events of 1974 changed those circumstances dramatically.

    Following Turkey’s military intervention and the division of Cyprus, many Maronite families were displaced from their villages and settled elsewhere on the island or abroad.

    This meant that speakers were increasingly separated from the places and social networks in which their language had traditionally been used.

    The consequences extended beyond geography.

    When families become dispersed, a minority language can lose some of the everyday settings that support its transmission.

    The Council of Europe’s 2025 report specifically identifies the dispersal of Maronites from their traditional area as part of the contemporary linguistic situation.

    2. The shift towards Greek in everyday life

    As Cypriot Maronite families established lives away from their ancestral villages, Greek became increasingly important in education, employment and daily communication.

    For younger generations, Greek often became the language most closely associated with school, friendships and wider society.

    The challenge is not bilingualism itself. Many people successfully maintain more than one language.

    The difficulty arises when one language gradually replaces another in the home and in ordinary conversations between generations.

    A child may hear a grandparent speaking Sanna while replying in Greek. Over time, understanding the language can become more common than actively speaking it.

    This distinction is important.

    A language can remain familiar to a community even as the opportunities to speak it decline.

    3. Limited access to formal language education

    Teaching can help maintain an endangered language, especially when it is no longer being acquired naturally at home.

    Yet educational provision for Sanna has been limited.

    The Council of Europe’s evaluation, reflecting conditions in June 2024, documented an optional Cypriot Maronite Arabic class at the Agios Maronas school in Nicosia.

    The class was taught for 40 minutes, once a week, outside normal school hours, with 33 pupils enrolled at the time.

    The report also identified a shortage of qualified teachers as a major obstacle to expanding provision.

    These figures are not a complete picture of all language-learning activity. Summer camps, cultural programmes and other educational initiatives also existed.

    Nevertheless, they illustrate how difficult it can be to build meaningful proficiency when formal teaching opportunities are so restricted.

    4. Too few trained teachers

    One of the most striking findings in the 2025 evaluation concerns teacher availability.

    At the time of the Council of Europe’s assessment, only one qualified teacher of Cypriot Maronite Arabic was reported in Cyprus.

    The Committee of Experts called for stronger teacher recruitment, training and longer-term professional support.

    This is an important distinction: speaking a language and teaching it effectively are not necessarily the same skill.

    Language revitalisation requires people who understand the language, but also suitable teaching methods, resources and opportunities for learners to practise.

    A sustainable programme cannot depend indefinitely on a very small number of individuals.

    How many people still speak Sanna?

    This is one of the most frequently asked questions about Cypriot Arabic, but it is also difficult to answer reliably.

    The number of people who identify as Cypriot Maronite is not the same as the number who speak Sanna.

    Even among those with some knowledge of the language, abilities vary.

    Some people use it fluently. Others understand conversations but seldom respond in Sanna. Some remember expressions, greetings or family sayings without being able to hold a conversation.

    Different studies may count these groups differently.

    The University of Cyprus’ MapCyArS research project, conducted between 2017 and 2020, specifically examined the linguistic demography and proficiency of Kormakitis-connected Maronites.

    Its work illustrates the importance of studying language competence rather than treating community population figures as speaker totals.

    Without a clearly dated, methodologically consistent survey, it would be misleading to present any single number as the definitive current speaker population.

    What the evidence does establish is that everyday use and intergenerational transmission are under serious pressure.

    What is being done to preserve Cypriot Arabic?

    Although the challenges are substantial, Sanna is not an undocumented language that has simply been left to disappear.

    Academic researchers, community members and public institutions have been working to preserve and revitalise it.

    The Sanna Oral Tradition Archive

    One of the most important initiatives is the University of Cyprus’ Sanna Oral Tradition Archive.

    Supported through a research programme financed by Cyprus’ Ministry of Education since 2013, the archive records spoken Cypriot Arabic and the experiences of members of the Maronite community.

    Its purpose extends beyond collecting vocabulary.

    Recordings preserve pronunciation, stories, personal memories and examples of how Sanna has been used in natural conversation.

    The Council of Europe’s evaluation reported that the archive had accumulated more than 190 hours of conversations and stories by the period covered in its 2025 report.

    That represents an important body of linguistic and cultural material.

    Not all archived material is necessarily available for unrestricted public reuse, but the project has made selected recordings and educational resources accessible.

    Turning recordings into teaching materials

    The University of Cyprus’ work is also connected to language learning.

    Its audiovisual collection includes Ten Small Stories in Sanna, a project based on narratives associated with everyday life in Kormakitis.

    The stories were developed to connect language documentation with efforts to support younger learners.

    This is an especially valuable approach.

    Rather than presenting Sanna as a collection of isolated words, stories offer learners the opportunity to encounter the language in a cultural context.

    They also preserve experiences that might otherwise be difficult for future generations to access.

    Summer camps and community activities

    Language revitalisation is not limited to classrooms and archives.

    The Council of Europe’s report describes the annual Sanna Camp in Kormakitis, where children take part in language and cultural activities.

    The report recorded 98 participating children in 2023 and described teaching programmes that brought together language learning, community participation and cultural education.

    Such activities provide something that written materials alone cannot: opportunities for young people to encounter the language alongside others who share a connection to the community.

    This matters particularly when everyday opportunities to hear Sanna have become limited.

    Recognition and institutional support

    Cypriot Maronite Arabic has been recognised by the Republic of Cyprus under the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages since 2008.

    The Council of Europe’s evaluation acknowledges government funding for education, research and cultural initiatives.

    It also calls for stronger action, particularly in teacher training, education across different age groups and the presence of Sanna in broadcasting.

    Recognition and support therefore provide an important foundation, but the report makes clear that existing measures have not yet resolved the threat facing the language.

    Can Cypriot Arabic be saved?

    There is no simple answer, and it would be misleading to suggest that an archive, a language course or a social media project could independently guarantee Sanna’s survival.

    The evidence does, however, point towards several priorities.

    Teaching needs to become more accessible. That includes opportunities for children and adults, sufficiently trained teachers and resources appropriate to different levels of proficiency.

    Speakers need opportunities to use Sanna. Learning materials are useful, but a living language also needs conversation, cultural activities and settings where it can be spoken naturally.

    Documentation must continue. Recordings, linguistic research, transcripts and properly attributed oral histories preserve knowledge that may otherwise become inaccessible.

    Younger generations need a place in the process. Language preservation is stronger when people are able to engage with their heritage in ways that are meaningful to their own lives.

    These priorities reflect a broader distinction between two related forms of work.

    Language documentation preserves evidence of how a language is spoken.

    Language revitalisation seeks to increase opportunities for people to learn, speak and transmit it.

    Both matter, but they are not interchangeable.

    A recording can preserve a voice. Revitalisation helps create opportunities for its language to be spoken again.

    Why documenting Sanna matters to Kohẓen

    At Kohẓen, our contribution begins with a simple belief: the voices of Cyprus’ Maronite community deserve to remain accessible.

    We are an independent heritage project focused on documenting Cypriot Arabic through selected recordings, working transliterations, English translations and cultural context.

    Our aim is not to replace academic research or established community initiatives.

    Instead, we seek to make carefully sourced material easier to encounter and understand, including for people who have grown up with a connection to Cypriot Maronite heritage but without the opportunity to learn Sanna.

    We also recognise the responsibilities involved.

    Recordings require appropriate attribution and attention to permissions. Translations need checking. Uncertainties should be acknowledged rather than hidden.

    Careful documentation takes time, but its value lies in preserving material that future generations can trust.

    Kohẓen cannot single-handedly reverse language endangerment. What it can do is contribute to the accessibility and visibility of a heritage that deserves continued attention.

    Whether you already speak Sanna, remember hearing it from relatives or are discovering it for the first time, there is value in listening.

    Hear Cypriot Arabic and explore Kohẓen’s documentation project.

    Frequently asked questions

    Is Cypriot Arabic officially endangered?

    Yes. The Council of Europe’s seventh evaluation of minority languages in Cyprus, published in February 2025, describes Cypriot Maronite Arabic as severely endangered and warns that urgent measures are needed to support its survival.

    Is Sanna already extinct?

    No. Sanna continues to be spoken, although primarily by older generations, and its transmission to younger speakers remains severely threatened.

    Is Cypriot Arabic recognised by the government?

    Yes. The Republic of Cyprus recognised Cypriot Maronite Arabic under the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages in 2008.

    What is the biggest threat to Cypriot Arabic?

    One of the most serious challenges is the breakdown of intergenerational transmission: fewer children grow up learning and using Sanna as an everyday language. Limited teaching provision and the shortage of trained teachers make recovery more difficult.

    Where can I hear recordings of Sanna?

    The University of Cyprus’ Sanna Oral Tradition Archive offers selected audiovisual material. Kohẓen also presents selected recordings with contextual information and working translations where available.

    Sources and further reading

    Keep our voices. Strengthen our community.

  • Who Are the Cypriot Maronites? A Guide to Their Heritage, Faith and Language

    Who Are the Cypriot Maronites? A Guide to Their Heritage, Faith and Language

    The Cypriot Maronites are one of Cyprus’ historic Christian communities, with roots in West Asia and a presence on the island stretching back more than a thousand years. Their heritage brings together Maronite Catholic traditions, a distinct Cypriot identity and a remarkable language known as Sanna, or Cypriot Arabic.

    Their history is also more extensive than many people realise.

    During the medieval period, Maronites inhabited more than 60 villages across Cyprus. By the British period, only four remained. Today, the community’s descendants live across the island and abroad, maintaining different connections to their ancestral villages, religious traditions and cultural heritage.

    So who exactly are the Cypriot Maronites? Where did they come from, what happened to their villages, and what makes their identity distinctive?

    Table of Contents
    1. Who are the Maronites of Cyprus?
    2. Where did the Cypriot Maronites come from?
    3. From more than 60 villages to four: The Maronite settlements of Cyprus
    4. What are the four historic Maronite villages?
    5. How did 1974 affect the Cypriot Maronites?
    6. What religion do Cypriot Maronites practise?
    7. What language do Cypriot Maronites speak?
    8. Are Cypriot Maronites officially recognised in Cyprus?
    9. What does Cypriot Maronite identity look like today?
    10. Why preserving Cypriot Maronite heritage matters
    11. Frequently asked questions
    12. Sources and further reading

    Who are the Maronites of Cyprus?

    The Cypriot Maronites belong to the wider Maronite Christian tradition, which emerged in the Levant and is historically associated with present-day Lebanon and Syria.

    Their name comes from Saint Maron, a Christian monk whose teachings inspired the religious community from which the Maronite Church developed.

    Maronites are Catholics, but they belong to the Eastern Catholic tradition rather than the Latin Church. Their Church maintains its own Syriac liturgical heritage while remaining in communion with the Pope.

    In Cyprus, the community developed a distinct identity shaped by centuries of island life, its ancestral connections to West Asia and its own religious and cultural traditions.

    The Republic of Cyprus officially recognises the Maronites as one of the island’s three minority religious groups, alongside the Armenians and Latins. But Cypriot Maronite identity extends beyond this formal recognition.

    For many families, it is also about their connection to ancestral villages, familiar religious celebrations, memories passed between generations and, in some cases, the distinctive Arabic language their ancestors spoke.

    Where did the Cypriot Maronites come from?

    The ancestors of Cyprus’ Maronite community arrived from the eastern Mediterranean during several periods of migration.

    According to the Republic of Cyprus’ official publication The Maronites of Cyprus, their earliest presence on the island is traditionally dated to the late seventh century.

    Further migrations followed, particularly during periods of instability in the Levant.

    One significant movement occurred during the Frankish period, following the establishment of Lusignan rule in Cyprus in the late 12th century.

    The community subsequently expanded, establishing settlements and religious institutions across the island.

    Over the following centuries, Cypriot Maronite life was shaped by Byzantine, Frankish, Venetian, Ottoman and British rule, before Cyprus became independent in 1960.

    This long history matters because the community cannot be understood simply as an extension of the Maronites of present-day Lebanon.

    Cypriot Maronites share roots with the wider Maronite tradition, but their history and identity have developed in Cyprus over many centuries.

    From more than 60 villages to four: The Maronite settlements of Cyprus

    One of the most striking aspects of Cypriot Maronite history is the scale of the community’s former presence.

    Today, discussions of Maronite heritage often focus on four villages: Kormakitis, Asomatos, Ayia Marina and Karpasia.

    Yet these were once part of a much larger network of settlements.

    The Republic of Cyprus’ official historical account records 62 Maronite villages in 1224, primarily around the Pentadactylos mountain range in northern Cyprus.

    By the early 14th century, the number had reportedly risen to 72 villages, many established by Maronite communities themselves.

    These historical figures challenge the impression that the community was always confined to a handful of villages.

    How did the number of Maronite villages decline?

    Over successive centuries, the extent of Maronite settlement contracted considerably.

    The government’s historical account documents the following progression:

    Historical periodRecorded Maronite villages
    1224, Frankish period62
    Early 14th century72
    End of Venetian rule, 157033
    19th century6
    British period, 1878–19604

    Source: Republic of Cyprus, Press and Information Office, The Maronites of Cyprus (2012), pp. 8–10. These are historical figures reported in the publication, not directly comparable modern census counts.

    The decline was not the result of a single event.

    The historical account describes religious pressure, political upheaval, conversion, changing social conditions and migration during successive periods of rule.

    During the Ottoman period, for example, some Maronites joined other religious communities, while others continued to maintain their traditions under difficult circumstances.

    By the 19th century, the community was associated with six villages: Asomatos, Ayia Marina, Kambyli, Karpasia, Kormakitis and Vouno.

    Under British rule, urban migration increased as more families moved to towns, particularly Nicosia. By that period, only four villages remained associated with the community.

    Their survival provides an important link to a much wider, and often overlooked, history of Maronite settlement in Cyprus.

    What are the four historic Maronite villages?

    The four villages that remained into the twentieth century were:

    Kormakitis (Kormajit)

    Kormakitis is perhaps the best-known Maronite village in Cyprus and is particularly important to the history of Cypriot Arabic, also known as Sanna.

    For generations, the language formed part of everyday communication within the village.

    Kormakitis is also home to Saint George’s Cathedral and other historic Maronite places of worship.

    Its importance extends beyond its buildings. It remains a central reference point for family memories, language documentation and Cypriot Maronite cultural identity.

    Asomatos

    Asomatos is another historic Maronite village, associated with the Church of Archangel Michael.

    Its community has experienced profound disruption since 1974, with access to the village historically restricted because of its use as a military area.

    Despite these difficulties, Asomatos remains part of the community’s religious and cultural memory.

    Ayia Marina

    Ayia Marina, also known as Ayia Marina Skyllouras, is historically associated with the Church of Saint Marina and the nearby Prophet Elias Monastery.

    The monastery has particular significance in Cypriot Maronite religious history.

    The village and surrounding religious sites were severely affected by the events of 1974, including damage to the monastery and restrictions on access.

    Karpasia (Karpasha)

    Karpasia is a historic Maronite village associated with the Church of the Holy Cross.

    Like the other villages, it retains an important place in the history of Maronite settlement and the memories of families connected to it.

    Together, these four villages represent the continuity of a community whose historical presence once extended much further across Cyprus.

    How did 1974 affect the Cypriot Maronites?

    The events of 1974 were a major turning point in Cypriot Maronite history.

    Following Turkey’s military intervention and the subsequent division of Cyprus, all four historic Maronite villages came under Turkish control.

    Many residents were displaced from their homes and settled elsewhere on the island. A smaller number remained in their villages, often under difficult circumstances.

    The impact reached far beyond the loss of property.

    Families were separated from their churches, schools, neighbours and the places where community traditions had been maintained.

    For younger generations growing up away from their ancestral villages, opportunities to experience those traditions in their original setting became more limited.

    This disruption also affected Cypriot Arabic.

    As Sanna-speaking families became geographically dispersed, the circumstances that had supported its everyday use and transmission changed considerably.

    The consequences of 1974 therefore remain central to understanding both the modern Cypriot Maronite community and the challenges facing its language.

    Yet connections to the villages have endured through family visits, religious observances, community activities and continuing efforts to maintain cultural ties.

    What religion do Cypriot Maronites practise?

    Cypriot Maronites belong to the Maronite Catholic Church, an Eastern Catholic Church rooted in the Syriac Christian tradition.

    Although fully Catholic, the Maronite Church has its own liturgical practices, spiritual heritage and ecclesiastical identity.

    Its worship preserves elements of the Syriac tradition, including the use of Syriac, a form of Aramaic, in parts of the liturgy.

    For Cypriot Maronites, religious institutions have historically provided more than places of worship.

    Churches and monasteries have also served as centres of social and cultural life, bringing families together for celebrations, religious festivals and important community occasions.

    Saint George’s Cathedral in Kormakitis and the Cathedral of Our Lady of Graces in Nicosia are among the places associated with this continuing religious heritage.

    Faith remains a significant part of Cypriot Maronite identity, although individual experiences of religion, community and belonging naturally differ.

    The community’s history is not solely a religious one. It also includes distinctive linguistic traditions, village cultures and experiences shaped by life in Cyprus.

    What language do Cypriot Maronites speak?

    Today, Greek is widely used among Cypriot Maronites, while English and other languages are also part of life for families living in Cyprus and abroad.

    However, the community has another important linguistic inheritance: Cypriot Arabic, or Sanna.

    Sanna is a distinctive variety of Arabic traditionally associated with Kormakitis.

    Developed over centuries in Cyprus, it has been influenced by sustained contact with Cypriot Greek. Its pronunciation, vocabulary and grammatical characteristics distinguish it from contemporary Arabic varieties spoken elsewhere.

    But not every Cypriot Maronite speaks Sanna.

    Language knowledge varies across families and generations. Some individuals remain fluent, others understand the language without regularly speaking it, and some know only expressions remembered from older relatives.

    This variation reflects broader changes in the community, including displacement, migration and the dominance of Greek in many aspects of everyday life.

    Why is Sanna endangered?

    The preservation of Cypriot Arabic is an urgent concern.

    A 2025 Council of Europe assessment described the language as being in danger of extinction, despite the educational and cultural support already available.

    The assessment identified particular challenges in teaching, including the shortage of trained teachers and limited classroom hours.

    This reflects a wider problem facing endangered languages.

    When fewer children grow up hearing and using a language, the connection between generations can weaken.

    For Cypriot Arabic, preservation means not only recording what older speakers know, but also helping younger generations access and engage with that knowledge.

    The University of Cyprus’ Sanna Oral Tradition Archive is an important part of this work.

    Supported through a research programme funded by Cyprus’ Ministry of Education since 2013, the archive brings together interviews, recordings, educational materials and stories associated with Kormakitis.

    For readers interested in the language itself, our companion article, What Is Cypriot Arabic (Sanna)?, explores its history, characteristics and preservation in greater detail.

    Are Cypriot Maronites officially recognised in Cyprus?

    Yes. The Republic of Cyprus recognises the Maronites as one of its three religious groups, alongside the Armenians and Latins.

    Following independence in 1960, the three groups chose to be constitutionally affiliated with the Greek Cypriot community.

    This arrangement did not remove their distinct religious and cultural identities.

    Cypriot Maronites also have a form of parliamentary representation.

    According to the Cyprus House of Representatives, each recognised religious group elects a representative who can attend parliamentary proceedings, participate in the Standing Committee on Education and raise matters concerning the group.

    These representatives do not have voting rights within the House itself.

    This arrangement provides an institutional channel through which the community can express its interests, including concerns relating to education, cultural heritage and language preservation.

    What does Cypriot Maronite identity look like today?

    Cypriot Maronite identity continues to evolve.

    For some families, it is closely connected to religious practice and active participation in community life.

    For others, it may be expressed through family history, connections to ancestral villages, cultural traditions or a desire to reconnect with a language they never had the opportunity to learn.

    Many younger Cypriot Maronites have grown up outside the historic villages, while others live in the wider diaspora.

    Their experiences may differ considerably from those of earlier generations.

    Yet this does not make their connection to their heritage any less meaningful.

    Identity is not defined solely by fluency in Sanna, participation in religious services or residence in a particular village.

    It can also be shaped by curiosity, family memory and the effort to understand where previous generations came from.

    That is one reason why documenting Cypriot Maronite heritage remains important.

    Why preserving Cypriot Maronite heritage matters

    The history of the Cypriot Maronites is part of Cyprus’ wider story.

    It reflects centuries of movement between the island and West Asia, the meeting of religious and linguistic traditions, and the ways communities adapt while maintaining their identity.

    The historical decline from more than 70 Maronite villages to four is a striking reminder of how much can change over time.

    But the survival of the community also demonstrates the enduring significance of faith, family and cultural continuity.

    Preservation is not simply about remembering the past.

    It involves making reliable information, original voices, family histories and cultural knowledge accessible to people today.

    At Kohẓen, our current focus is Cypriot Arabic and the voices, memories and heritage connected to it.

    Through selected recordings, working transliterations, English translations and careful cultural context, we aim to make this material accessible beyond social media.

    We recognise that meaningful documentation requires accuracy, appropriate permissions, acknowledgement of uncertainty and openness to correction.

    Kohẓen is an independent heritage project, not a substitute for established academic archives or community-led preservation initiatives.

    Our contribution is deliberately focused: helping to make a small but meaningful part of Cyprus’ Maronite heritage accessible to future generations.

    Explore Cypriot Arabic and the voices of Sanna at Kohẓen.

    Frequently asked questions

    Are Cypriot Maronites Lebanese?

    Cypriot Maronites share historical roots with the wider Maronite community of the Levant, particularly present-day Lebanon and Syria. However, their community has developed in Cyprus over many centuries and possesses its own distinctive Cypriot identity.

    How many Maronite villages were there in Cyprus?

    The Republic of Cyprus’ official historical account records 62 Maronite villages in 1224 and 72 by the early 14th century. By the British period, only four remained: Kormakitis, Asomatos, Ayia Marina and Karpasia.

    Are Cypriot Maronites Catholic or Orthodox?

    Cypriot Maronites are Eastern Catholics. Their Church is in communion with the Pope and preserves its own Syriac liturgical tradition.

    Do Cypriot Maronites speak Arabic?

    Some speak Cypriot Arabic, also called Sanna, but not all. Greek is widely used, while knowledge of Sanna varies between families and generations.

    Where do Cypriot Maronites live today?

    Cypriot Maronites live across Cyprus and abroad. Their four historic villages remain important to the community’s heritage and identity.

    Sources and further reading

    Keep our voices. Strengthen our community.

  • What Is Cypriot Arabic? Meet Sanna, Cyprus’ Endangered Language

    What Is Cypriot Arabic? Meet Sanna, Cyprus’ Endangered Language

    Cypriot Arabic, known as Sanna, is a distinctive variety of Arabic traditionally spoken by Cyprus’ Maronite community. Shaped by centuries of life on the island and contact with Cypriot Greek, it carries a linguistic heritage unlike any other.

    Today, Sanna is severely endangered. But it hasn’t disappeared. Its words, expressions and stories survive through speakers, families, recordings and ongoing efforts to preserve the language.

    So where did Cypriot Arabic come from? What makes it different from other varieties of Arabic? And what is being done to keep it alive?

    Table of Contents
    1. What is Cypriot Arabic (Sanna)?
    2. Where is Cypriot Arabic spoken?
    3. Who are the Cypriot Maronites?
    4. What makes Cypriot Arabic different from other Arabic varieties?
    5. Why is Cypriot Arabic endangered?
    6. What is being done to preserve Cypriot Arabic?
    7. Why preserving Sanna matters
    8. How Kohẓen is helping keep Sanna accessible
    9. Frequently asked questions
    10. Sources and further reading

    What is Cypriot Arabic (Sanna)?

    Cypriot Arabic, also called Cypriot Maronite Arabic, belongs to the wider Arabic language family. It developed in Cyprus over centuries, becoming distinct from the Arabic varieties spoken elsewhere in West Asia.

    Its name, Sanna, is commonly understood by its speakers to mean our language.

    Although Sanna has Arabic roots, it has also been shaped by prolonged contact with Cypriot Greek. This influence can be heard in aspects of its pronunciation and observed in its vocabulary and grammar.

    That doesn’t mean Cypriot Arabic is simply a mixture of Arabic and Greek. It is a historically developed language variety with its own characteristics and linguistic history.

    In fact, a 2023 linguistic study by Spyros Armostis and Marilena Karyolemou examines how contact with Cypriot Greek has influenced Sanna, drawing on natural speech recordings rather than relying solely on earlier written descriptions.

    For linguists, Cypriot Arabic offers a fascinating example of what happens when languages develop in close contact over many generations.

    For the community that speaks it, however, Sanna is much more than a subject of academic study.

    It is part of a shared cultural inheritance.

    Where is Cypriot Arabic spoken?

    Cypriot Arabic is most closely associated with Kormakitis, also known as Kormajit, a historic Maronite village in north-western Cyprus.

    For generations, Sanna formed part of everyday life in the village. It was spoken at home, between neighbours and during community gatherings.

    The events of 1974 brought profound changes.

    Following the Turkish military intervention and subsequent division of Cyprus, many Maronites were displaced from their villages. Families settled elsewhere on the island or moved abroad, disrupting the close-knit communities in which Sanna had traditionally been spoken.

    This displacement has had lasting consequences for the language.

    When communities become geographically dispersed, the everyday opportunities to speak and hear a minority language can diminish. Children may grow up speaking the dominant language of their surroundings rather than the language of their parents or grandparents.

    Today, the heritage of Cypriot Arabic extends well beyond Kormakitis itself, through families and communities with connections to the village.

    Yet Kormakitis remains central to understanding the language’s history and cultural significance.

    Who are the Cypriot Maronites?

    The Cypriot Maronites are a historic Christian community whose religious tradition belongs to the Maronite Church, an Eastern Catholic Church with roots in the Levant.

    Their presence in Cyprus stretches back many centuries.

    Over time, the community developed a distinct identity shaped by its religious traditions, its relationship with the island and its wider West Asian heritage.

    Sanna is one expression of that identity.

    But it is important not to assume that all Cypriot Maronites speak the language today.

    For some families, Sanna remains a spoken language. For others, knowledge of it may be limited to particular words, expressions or memories of older relatives.

    And for younger generations, it may be a language they recognise as part of their heritage without having had the opportunity to learn.

    These different experiences are all part of the story of Cypriot Arabic.

    What makes Cypriot Arabic different from other Arabic varieties?

    One of the most interesting things about Sanna is the way it has developed.

    Its Arabic foundations remain evident, but its long history in Cyprus has given it distinctive characteristics.

    Linguists have identified changes in its sounds, vocabulary and grammatical structures, including features associated with contact with Cypriot Greek.

    This makes Sanna different from contemporary varieties such as Lebanese, Syrian or Egyptian Arabic.

    Although there are historical and linguistic connections between them, knowing one variety does not necessarily mean understanding another.

    The University of Cyprus’ Sanna Oral Tradition Archive offers valuable insight into these differences by preserving authentic recordings of traditional speakers.

    These recordings matter because a language cannot be fully understood through written descriptions alone.

    Its rhythms, pronunciation, expressions and individual voices are equally important.

    Hear Cypriot Arabic spoken

    If you’ve never heard Sanna before, listening to a speaker is one of the best ways to begin understanding what makes the language distinctive.

    The University of Cyprus’ audiovisual collection includes recorded stories from the Maronite community, accompanied by educational material.

    These are not simply vocabulary exercises. They preserve memories and experiences associated with everyday life in Kormakitis.

    At Kohẓen, we are also developing a collection of selected Cypriot Arabic recordings, presented with source information, working transliterations and English translations where available.

    Our aim is to make these voices accessible to people who may never have had the opportunity to hear Sanna spoken in their own families.

    Why is Cypriot Arabic endangered?

    Despite its long history, Cypriot Arabic faces an uncertain future.

    In a 2025 assessment of minority languages in Cyprus, the Council of Europe warned that Cypriot Maronite Arabic remains in danger of extinction.

    The report recognised the support already provided by the Cypriot authorities, including educational activities and cultural initiatives.

    However, it also highlighted serious challenges, particularly the shortage of trained teachers and the limited opportunities for children to learn the language.

    This illustrates a central challenge in language preservation.

    Official recognition is important, but it does not automatically ensure that a language will continue to be spoken.

    For that to happen, younger generations need meaningful opportunities to hear, learn and use it.

    The problem is therefore not only how to preserve the words of Sanna, but how to support the continuation of the language itself.

    How many people still speak Sanna?

    Reliable contemporary estimates are difficult to establish.

    Some people speak Sanna fluently, while others may understand it without speaking it regularly. Still others know particular expressions passed down through their families.

    These are different levels of language knowledge, and not every survey measures them in the same way.

    Rather than relying on a single potentially outdated figure, it is more useful to recognise the underlying concern: the number of people using Cypriot Arabic in everyday life is limited, and transmission between generations is at risk.

    What is being done to preserve Cypriot Arabic?

    There is already important work taking place.

    Since 2013, Cyprus’ Ministry of Education has supported a research programme dedicated to documenting and revitalising Cypriot Arabic.

    One of its most significant outcomes is the Sanna Oral Tradition Archive, developed through research at the University of Cyprus.

    The archive brings together recordings, interviews, educational resources and community experiences.

    It includes projects such as Ten Small Stories in Sanna, which presents stories connected to life in Kormakitis, accompanied by audio recordings.

    These materials help make the language accessible to younger generations while preserving valuable knowledge about the community’s past.

    Such initiatives demonstrate that the preservation of Cypriot Arabic is not simply about recording a language before it disappears.

    It is also about creating opportunities for people to reconnect with it.

    Why preserving Sanna matters

    Every language carries its own ways of expressing everyday experiences.

    A familiar greeting, a family expression or a story told by a grandparent can hold meanings that go beyond a straightforward translation.

    For Cypriot Arabic, these connections are particularly important.

    Sanna has traditionally been transmitted through speech, making the voices of older speakers an especially valuable source of linguistic and cultural knowledge.

    Recording those voices helps preserve more than vocabulary.

    It can capture pronunciation, humour, personal memories and the context in which expressions were used.

    But preservation must also involve care.

    Recordings should be properly attributed, translations should be checked, and the wishes of speakers and those responsible for original material should be respected.

    The goal is not simply to collect as much content as possible.

    It is to make meaningful, reliable documentation available for people today and for generations to come.

    How Kohẓen is helping keep Sanna accessible

    Kohẓen is an independent Cypriot Maronite heritage project focused on documenting the language, voices, memory and living heritage of the community.

    Our current work centres on Cypriot Arabic.

    Through selected recordings, careful transliterations, English translations and cultural context, we aim to make the language more accessible beyond social media.

    We also recognise that meaningful documentation requires accuracy, appropriate permissions and openness to correction.

    Kohẓen is not a formal academic archive or a substitute for established language revitalisation initiatives.

    Instead, it seeks to contribute to the wider preservation effort by making carefully documented material accessible to a broader audience.

    Whether you speak Sanna, remember hearing it from relatives or are discovering it for the first time, we hope Kohẓen offers a place to explore and reconnect with this remarkable heritage.

    Listen to Cypriot Arabic and explore Kohẓen’s recordings.

    Frequently asked questions

    Is Cypriot Arabic the same as Lebanese Arabic?

    No. Although both are varieties of Arabic and share historical connections, Cypriot Arabic developed separately in Cyprus and has been significantly influenced by contact with Cypriot Greek.

    What does Sanna mean?

    Sanna is the community’s traditional name for Cypriot Arabic and is commonly understood to mean our language.

    Is Cypriot Arabic still spoken today?

    Yes. Sanna is still spoken, although its everyday use and transmission between generations are severely endangered.

    Can you learn Cypriot Arabic?

    Yes, although learning resources are relatively limited. The University of Cyprus’ Sanna Oral Tradition Archive provides recordings and educational materials that can help people become familiar with the language.

    Where can I hear native speakers of Sanna?

    You can explore authentic recordings through the University of Cyprus’ Sanna archive and selected material presented by Kohẓen.

    Sources and further reading

    Keep our voices. Strengthen our community.

  • From Monastic Traditions to Mental Health: A Personal Journey of Mindfulness and Belonging

    From Monastic Traditions to Mental Health: A Personal Journey of Mindfulness and Belonging

    I come from a Maronite background, an ethnoreligious group that originated in the Ancient Near East. The Maronites were early-Christians that emerged as a monastic movement and incorporated ascetic practices as part of their spiritual development and practice of Christianity. Being raised a second-generation Brit born to a family that fled to the United Kingdom on account of war, I wrestled with questions of identity and often felt a sense of otherness due to the limited diversity within my social circles and education. As diverse as London is now, throughout my childhood I often felt alone in my life story, which increased as a teenager and throughout my time attending university. Whether it was exotification, on account of my ethnic, socioeconomic or regional background, I often felt friction to integration.

    During 2010 this took a turn when I left to study in Damascus, Syria, at a time before the Arab Spring, when it was more of a trickle. Our student cohort enjoyed the beauty of the country, and I the beauty of blending into a culture that felt like a home-from-home, all the while not understanding the regional political undercurrents that were about to become life-changing for all. Everything happened rapidly as civil unrest erupted, shattering the image of the city we had come to know. I had begun to feel a real sense of belonging and attachment to the people, and this period brought to light a subconscious pain I carried, realising the impact of the civil war that forced my family to flee just three decades prior. Seeking safety and an opportunity to extend my time in the region that was cut short, I travelled to Lebanon and lived with a group of Maronite monks for three months. Throughout this time, I experienced a stark contrast to the chaos I had witnessed. I studied Arabic, taught English, and immersed myself in their prayer, meditation, and Maronite tradition. The monks and hermits I met highlighted in their lives the transformative power of meditation and connection to something greater, that was especially grounding in a perpetually unstable region like the Middle East (West Asia).

    After graduating, I chose to dedicate my early career to working in the mental health sector, recognising the intersectional relationship between many of the experiences I had encountered and impact on the mental health and wellbeing of people. As an Independent Mental Health Advocate, I had the privilege of supporting and safeguarding the rights of thousands of the most vulnerable people in society who found themselves being treated in services where their fundamental freedoms are restricted. Much like my formative experiences, I found that this too brought to light a lot of truths, notably that of the human experience, its complexity and questions of identity and belonging. It was during this time that I came into contact with the practice of mindfulness, working within a service for people with a diagnosis of personality disorder. During visits, I would find myself participating in these sessions with service users, both as a way to build rapport, but secondarily because I derived great peace through them myself. I learnt that mindfulness had widespread application within many different types of therapy, DBT, MBCT, MBSR, ACT1, to name a few. I also realised very early on that many of the practices were deeply rooted in traditions that spanned centuries and even millennia and the essence of the practices not so dissimilar to those I had come across during my time with the monks in Lebanon, albeit Christian-based.

    Fascinated to learn more, I signed up to a MBCT course after much research. I had decided that it was the right course for me, as it fit my niche interest in mindfulness as a holistic human practice and mindfulness as a therapeutic programme, with active, scientific research into the effects of regular mindfulness sessions being undertaken. The team who delivered the course provided our group with a robust but accessible introduction to daily practice of mindfulness, with the perfect balance of practical application and theoretical learning. Over the course of the first two weeks of the eight-week course, I knew that I had made the right decision to enrol. Benefits of consistent mindfulness practice became apparent, the shaping of my week around time to be present and commit to my own wellbeing and the difficulties that arose through the practices themselves as well as the scheduling of time for them, all provided me with key data points that helped me to evaluate my life. I noticed a marked increase in my confidence and resilience, and a tangible positive impact on my own mental health started emerging, as well as better productivity and overall general sense of wellbeing. I have had the privilege of sharing practices with family and friends many of whom were unaware of the evidence-based grounding that mindfulness practices have and due to the rise in openness around discussing mental health and wellbeing the conversations have been made much easier.

    Mindfulness has allowed me to address the experiences of my life through a non-narratavised lens, something that is particularly unique to the practice. When you are taught a way to break free from the stories that your mind feeds you, which are often bolstered by your physiological reaction to them, you, even if just for a moment, can experience what deep peace feels like. MBCT opened me up to the world of mindfulness in a way that gave structure and provided science to a way of being that was in front of me but not fully realised. The beauty of having what seems like an impossible feat, broken down into simple and effective steps made all the difference in applying the strategies to everyday life. I began to foster an interest in sharing mindfulness with people from atypical backgrounds like mine recognising the universal scope to connect with any foundation, cultural, religious, economic or otherwise so long as we take time to understand the breadth of human experience and meet people where they are and make it relatable. The World Health Organisation reported in 2022 that stigma around mental health is still high in all countries, but may be even higher in low- or middle-income countries. Here in the UK, I can say that I feel hopeful about how much more open society is becoming as far as talking about mental health and the ways in which alternative practices are being welcomed by major health bodies, corroborated by the new research constantly emerging. I take my experience as testament to the fact that with time many more people will have the great opportunity to access the power of mindfulness and that together we can combat the stigma around mental health and improve access to support worldwide.

    1Dialectical Behaviour Therapy (DBT), Mindfulness Based Cognitive Therapy (MBCT), Mindfulness Based Stress Reduction (MBSR) and Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT)